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Saudis
and Non-Saudis
Estimates
of the population holding Saudi
citizenship have varied widely. Official
figures published by the Saudi government
indicated a population of 14,870,000 in
1990. In the same year, however, estimates
by one Western source inside the kingdom
were as low as 6 million. United Nations
estimates were slightly less than the
official Saudi figure. Based on the
official Saudi figure, at the 1990 rate of
growth, a population of 20 million was
projected by the year 2000. The 1992 Saudi
census indicated an indigenous population
of 12.3 million people and a growth rate
of 3.3 percent.
In
addition to the population holding Saudi
citizenship, there were large numbers of
foreign residents in the kingdom. In 1985
the number of foreigners was estimated at
4,563,000, with a total foreign work force
of 3,522,700. In 1990 the number of
foreigners had risen to 5,300,000. In 1990
the greatest number of foreign workers
came from Arabic-speaking countries,
chiefly Egypt, followed by Yemen, Jordan,
Syria, and Kuwait, then Pakistan, India,
the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and the
Republic of Korea (South Korea). About
180,000 came from European countries and
92,000 from North America. Between 1985
and 1990, the number of foreigners
employed in the economy rose, in contrast
to the substantial decline expected and
called for in the Fourth Development Plan,
1985-90 . This increase was reflected in
the number of residence permits issued to
foreigners, which rose from 563,747 in
1985 to 705,679 in 1990. A goal of Saudi
planners continued to be a reduction in
the number of foreign workers, and the
Fifth Development Plan, 1990- 95,
projected a 1.2 percent annual decline
over five years, or a drop of almost
250,000 foreign workers. The 1992 census
gave the number of resident foreigners as
4.6 million.
Whether
such a decline could occur, or had already
begun to occur in 1992, was questionable.
From an economic point of view, there were
difficulties in increasing the number of
Saudi citizens in the work force. One
difficulty was that potential Saudi
workers for low-skilled and other jobs
were becoming less competitive with
foreigners in the private-sector labor
market. Wages of non-Saudi workers had
been adjusted downward since the early
1980s, and, with a ready supply of
non-Saudis willing to work in low-skilled
occupations, the wage gap between Saudis
and non-Saudi workers was widening. In
addition, as the government recognized,
Saudi secondary school and university
graduates were not always as qualified as
foreign workers for employment in the
private sector. Although the Riyadh-based
Institute of Public Administration offered
training programs to increase the
competitiveness of Saudi nationals, the
programs had difficulty attracting
participants.
Social
constraints on the employment of women (7
percent of the work force in 1990; 93
percent of the national work force were
men) also hampered indigenization of the
work force. Government and private groups
actively sought ways to expand the areas
in which women might work. The issue
became more pressing as the number of
female university graduates continued to
increase at a faster rate than the number
of male graduates.
Although such economic and social
pressures have militated against increasing the number of Saudi
nationals in the work force, the desired decline in foreign labor may
have occurred as a result of new residency requirements imposed in the
summer of 1990 to encourage the departure of Yemenis, the second
largest segment of the foreign labor population. As a punitive
response to the government of Yemen's sympathy with Iraq, the Saudi
government issued a decree requiring Yemenis, who were previously
exempt from regulations governing foreigners' doing business in the
kingdom, to obtain residence permits. Subsequently, about 1 million
Yemenis left the country. Only three weeks after the decree was
issued, the Riyadh Chamber of Commerce announced that there were
almost 250,000 jobs, especially in the area of small retail
businesses, available for young Saudis as a result of the regulation
of foreign residence visas. It was unclear in 1992 whether the types
of employment and businesses vacated by Yemenis would prove attractive
to Saudi job seekers, or whether these jobs would be recirculated into
the foreign labor market.
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